ROMAN IMPACT IN THE GOLAN DURING THE GREAT REVOLT

ROMAN IMPACT IN THE GOLAN DURING THE GREAT REVOLT (66-70 C.E)

Shoshana Saskia Cohen Tanugi

PhD Student

Hebrew University

                                 

INTRODUCTION

The aim of this article is to provide a short but concise presentation of the Roman impact in the Golan during the first part of the Early Roman Period. The examination of the archaeological remains left in the military campaign, paralleled to the study of the historical sources completed with the scrupulous scrutiny of the archaeological survey in the local civilian settlements under Agrippa II 's reign, permit to analyse the impact of the Roman's conquest during the Great Revolt.

PERIODS

The scholars have divided the Roman period of Israel into three periods (Early Roman: 63 BCE to 135 CE, Middle Roman: 135-250 CE, Late Roman: 250-350 CE) which began with the conquest of the Roman General Pompey, and ended with Bar Kochba's revolt. This article focuses on the analysis of the Roman impact during the first century CE.

SOURCES

Josephus involved in the Great Revolt has published the first historical document of this period. This main source of the Roman campaign in the Golan has received archaeological scrutiny. Bellum Judaicum, Vitae, Antiquitates Judaicae have been compared to the excavated material. The sources from the rabbinic literature during this period are more complicated to use because of their inherent propose.

The first Archaeological studies of the Golan began in the nineteenth century. Gotlieb Schumacher (1857-1925)[1] who published in 1888 the result of his survey and Lawrence Oliphant[2] are the main pioneers. Although the previous publications of J.S.Buckingham (Travels in the Bashan and Gilead, 1821) and C.C. Graham (Ancient Pashan and the cities of Og, 1858) have played a role in the development of the research[3].

The main progress in the studies of the Golan emerges with the publications of Dan Urman[4]  on the settlements from the biblical period to the rise of Islam. R. Arav's analysis of the site of Beithsaida-Julia[5] shed new light on the field of knowledge. A.Negev and S.Gibson[6]  have summarized information of the area. Yoram Tsafrir's publication[7] gives information during the Roman authority. Uri Ma'oz[8] has published his survey on Art and Architecture.

The main progress in the study of the Roman influence emerges after the Six-Day War by the archaeological surveys of Shmariya Gutman. Gamla a city in rebellion (1994)[9] gives the conclusions of the excavations, and analyses the items coming from the most important site involved in the first Jewish Revolt.

The Zinman Institute of Archaeology, headed by Arthur Segal publishes since 1999 the reports of the excavations in the Greek -Roman city of Hippos, mentioned by Pliny the Elder in Naturalis Historia. The water supply system of Susita has been studied since 1998 by Zeev Meshel, Tsvika Tsuk and Yehuda Peleg (Tel Aviv University).

The work of Vassilios Tzaferis[10] for the site of Banias is an important archaeological data on the Romanized city. It has been used in a book of history Caesarea Philippi, Banias the Lost City of Pan by John Francis Wilson.

ARCHITECTURAL IMPACT

The consequences of romanization have been analysed in three separate fields. Following a first point of view, the Roman conquest did not make any significant change in the architectural structure of the settlements in the area. Following a second point of view the development of the Romanization has been emphasized. Especially in Hippos and Baniyas where the "expensive embellishment" provided by Agrippa (Josephus, Bellum Jud. 3) was over sizing the Herodian capital in an area of rural settlements. (Hingley, 2005)[11]  A third view discusses the impact of the Roman conquest on the defensive walls of the Jewish settlements (Gutman, 1994).

Nabatean Settlements

Based on archaeological evidence, before the Roman conquest the Itureans, the Nabatean[12] (Dar, 2009:45-46) have developed their own culture, separated from the Jewish settlements in the area. 50 Nabateans settlements have been found in the Hauran and in the area of Susita. Dating from this period, architectural elements with floral decoration, and inscription dedicated to the pagan God Dushares, were excavated. (Starcky 1985: 174-176) According to Shimon Dan (The Nabatean in the Hauran, Bar Ilan University) The Nabatean settlements in the Golan did not change during the Great Revolt.  According to Segal (Segal, 2001) Roman impact in the architecture of the Nabatean settlements can be observed after the creation of the Province of Arabia, in the beginning of the second century, with the construction of public buildings in an eastern Roman tradition.

Jewish Settlements

Nevertheless, evidence of Roman influences were found in 60 rural Jewish settlements, during the excavations(Urman, 1984: 389-595) The scholars had difficulty precisely dating to the items (first or second Roman Period). The impact of a provincial Roman style adapted to the Eastern tradition is unquestionable. The settlements of 70 dunams and the large villages have revealed examples of Roman influences on the items using basalt in place of marble, lacking in the area. Columns, colonnades, decorated cornices, Doric capitols, schematic Ionic ones, sculptures illustrate the use of Roman motifs simplified and schematized. These remains came from ancient public buildings. Greek inscriptions have been found.  The site of Kafr Nafash in the Upper Golan provides architectural items from the Early Roman Period, and basalt gravestones with Greek inscription. Evidence of the use of typically Roman names in the Jewish settlements, confirm the statement of a Roman influence. As an example, Gaios, a name found in the Upper Golan (Urman, Flesher 1994: 407) was found in Jewish inscriptions from Rome (Frey, vol.1, 60 – 494). The influence of the Roman conquest could explain the use of a non-Semitic language in the funerary inscriptions, and the expansion of a simplified Roman-Hellenistic style. Gutman found near the ancient wall, dating from the Roman Period, a fragment of sculpture of an eagle. The use of an eagle motif, common in the Jewish synagogues during this period has been discussed by the scholars as a possible impact of a Roman iconography, used as a metaphor of a Jewish symbol of Divine Protection.(Szkolut, 2002)[13] In another point of view, the eagle was the symbol of the Legion V Macedonia which was involved in the battle against Gamla. 

Roman Temple Baniyas/Neronias

The city of Baniyas/Caesarea Philippi (named Neronias from 61 to 68 CE) has produced a Roman architecture. In order to confirm a complete loyalty to the Empire, the urban planning initiated by Herod was accurately followed by his descendants. Philip made architectural improvements at Baniyas/Caesarea Philippi and built Julia/BeithSaida on the Lake. The Roman urbanization was characterized by two perpendicular axes. The Cardo crossed the Decumanus at the Forum, heart of the city. At this architectural key force, edifices devoted to the main religious cults and to the economic and legal administrations were erected.(Bandinelli 1969: 154)[14] This model of a city established in the Roman provinces[15] might have been conformed to Agrippa's  planning of embellishment.(Morel 1988: 238)

The white Temple (Josephus, V) built by Herod to honor Augustus does not remain. According to Morel (Art Romain, 1988: 238)  Heightening, frontality, axiality are the almost constant characteristics of Roman temples standing on a podium and served by a stairway in  the front part, with columns adorning in the front part of the edifice. The traditional materials: wood, limestone, clay could be found in the region. The representation of Roman architecture raised on podium appears on coins minted in Banias.(Meshorer, 1984-85) According to Tzaferis, the excavations have confirmed under the church, the existence of an underground structure of Roman architectural style. (Wilson, 2004:13) According to Josephus the Roman army was quartered near Baniyas/Caesarea Philippi after the conquest of Jerusalem (Josephus, VII.6) They most probably used the city's temples dedicated for religious devotions after the battles. Excavations in the agricultural area might provide items from the legions.

Susita/Hippos

Based on the result of the survey, evidence of Roman technology of building was observed in Susita.

The Wall and the Round Tower

A number of architectural items from the Roman period, embedded within the wall of the Decumanus Maximus - the main colonnaded street of Susita - have been discovered by the excavations headed by Prof. A. Segal. The Eastern gate of Susita incorporated into the city wall, erected in local basalt rocks, presents signs of building from the end of the 1st century C.E. The round tower with a diameter of 8 meters, confirms a technology from the Roman period with a stone construction of small sized ashlars laying in 3 layers. (Segal 2002: 10-13) The square tower of the gate has signs of construction, dating from the end of the first century CE.

Aqueduct

The Greek city does not have springs and the wells could not reach the water. A unique way to acquire a water supply was to bring water from distant springs. (Anati:1953) The Roman technology of stone pipes and an aqueduct had been incorporated into the water system of the city during the Roman period. The aqueduct, mentioned on the British map of the First World War, was discorvered by Schmacher in 1885 (Schmacher, 1888: 145-146). He found traces in Nahal Afiq, Susita, Bir Shequm, El Awanish, Wadi es Semakh. He presumed that the aqueduct was built underground in order to conceal it from the enemy. Avy Yona and Nun stated in 1950 that the source used by the city was the spring at Umm el Qanatir (Meshel, 1996)[16] The excavations of the eastern part of Susita have confirmed the existence of a water channel under the city. (Segal, 2002)[17] Parts of the stone pipeline under the paving of the Cardo have been exposed. In 1976, a part was discovered near Mitspe Ofir (Ben David, Gal 1989: 134) The water supply system of Ancient Susita shows a construction surrounded by basaltic blocs of a ceramic pipeline with a conglomerate of broken pottery and small stones.(Meshel, 1998)[18] The influence of Roman technology in the construction of a water supply and an aqueduct confirm the impact of the Roman conquest in the Golan.

Defensive Walls

The defensive walls built under the authority of Josephus (Bellum Judaicum, IV) in Gamla, Sogana and Seleucia give an example of the architectural impact against/of the Roman conquest. The construction of the wall of Gamla was analysed during the excavations (Gutman, 1994:83). The wall presented an excellent defensive technique of construction. At a Height of 3-4 meters, it fortified a first wall. The defensive double wall constructed in different layers of large stones was erected during the months before the Great Revolt. The walls built in Sogana and Seleucia from the same period have been the subject of discussion since the nineteenth century. The ruined sites of the area have been prospected in order to locate the Jewish cities "fortifying themselves against Rome". In 1880 after the discovery of the remains of walls in Sulukiyeh (Qusbiyye/Qusbiyye el Djeideh) Schumacher suggested to identify these ruins as the walls of Seleucia. (Urman, Flesher 1994:481) In 1885 after his visit to the abandoned Syrian village of El Yahudiyye, below the Nahal Yahudiyye, the 6 foot thick wall remains were suggested as a new location to the city of Sogana mentioned by Josephus. (Urman, Flesher, 1994: 391) According to Ilan in his report of the survey conducted in 1983, the ruins of Sujen, a site facing the Huleh Valley, present a thick outer wall. Sujen is actually discussed as possibly the Jewish city described by Josephus. (Ilan, Kh. Sûjen, Israel 1983 p.95)

         

       

COINS MINTED IN THE GOLAN

The conquest included the establishment of an economic system supported by taxes payed to collectors under Roman authority (Levy,1995: 451). The administration of the Herodian Kings received from Rome - The Roman Emperor or his administration in the Province of Judea - the prerogative to mint coins in Baniyas since 34 CE. Dated this year are a series of coins minted by Philip  which do not use Hebrew inscription but rather Greek ones. The qualification of "founder" suggest that the Herodian dynasty wanted to be considered as the founder of an urban planning under the influence of Rome.

The Augusteum pictured on the coins confirm the architectural impact of the conquest. According to Y.Meshorer[19], King Agrippa I (41-44 C.E.) struck a very large serie of bronze coins with three ears of corn on the reserve side and a royal canopy on the front surrounded by a Greek inscription

" Bazilius Agripa" (with one "P")[20].

Several scholars[21] have commented upon this coinage. According to Lonngvist, these coins might have been strucked by Agrippa II (54 – 100 C.E.) in the year 66/67 C.E. during the Great Revolt as pay-money to the allied-troops. (Lonnqvist, 1997)

A series issued from the year 19 (79 C.E.) was minted in Baniyas, featuring a boat on the reverse side and Titus on the observe. According to Wilson[22], the ship would suggest the trip of the sister of King Agrippa II trip to Rome during this period. The ship was the symbol of the X legion Fretensis. These coins are examples of economic, linguistic and iconographic impact of the conquest.

Among the 6200 coins found during the excavations of Gamla (Gutman 1994: 152-171) many of them have been attributed to the Herodian dynasty. In reaction to Roman influence, the series presented a breakaway monetary system. The coins were minted in Jerusalem and in Gamla during the Great Revolt. These series confirm a denial to the local system of taxes. These coins bear Hebrew inscriptions instead of Greek ones. (Gutman 1994: 171 fig. 101-102) A clear religious message is written as watchword: "For the redemption of Holy Jerusalem" (Syon 1992) The iconography does not present a pagan motif or a Roman temple. But the form of a canopy upside down: The Jewish sacred cup used for the benediction, functions as a metaphor of Divine protection. It seems not acceptable that the Roman administration would have allowed a separate system of Hebrew coins. The influence of the romanization  might have found with the coin minted in Gamla an obstacle to the Roman impact in the area.

IMPACT OF THE ROMAN ARMY IN GAMLA

A synthesis of the information permits a comparison of the military items found during the excavations (Gutman, 1994: 64-83) with the historical sources referring to the battle.

According to Flavius Joseph (Bellum Judaicum,IV 1-7)[23] after the anti taxation protests and following the tensions between the Jews and the Greek settlements, General Vespasian (9-79) appointed by the emperor Nero assembled the legions with the agreement of the King Agrippa II. The client King had to provide and pay allied-troops trained in a similar way to that of the Roman army.

The three Roman legions were composed of 9 cohorts. A first cohort of 5 centuries, 120 horsemen and the non-combatants staff. The optio fabricae units - armourers, copper-smiths, helmet makers, craftsmen, carpenters - the medical staff, veterinarians, doctors, priests and the scribes in charge of the pay. 60 000 soldiers were engaged in the conquest along with auxiliary troops from Syria. The legion X Fretensis had come from Syria where had been its permanent garrison. The legion XV Apollinaris and X Fretensis had come from Egypt.

According to Josephus, Vespasian and the troops removed from the temporary camp close to the shores of the Sea of Galilee pitched before Tiberias. Following Gutman (Gutman, 1994: 64-67) the Roman army could have progressed to Gamla by the north of the Sea of Galilee, crossing the Upper Jordan near Caparnaum, walking near Rarbat Batra - which might have been exploited to meet army needs - and arrived at the Dalyiot canyon. A second suggestion has been proposed (Gutman 1994: 64-67). The legions could have used the south path to reach upward to the plateau by the southern flank of Hippos.

According to Flavius Vegetius Renatus (Rei Militaris) each infantryman carried around 20 kg of equipment:  Armour, sword, shield, tools, food rations, the heavy pila and the light one. Each legion also carried pieces of artillery. Elements of them have been found during the excavations. They have established the camps to the northern part of the city in an area out of Jewish missile range.

According to Josephus (Bellum Judaicum, IV) in the eastern part of the ridge, the construction of the siege was done by the XV Apollinaris (symbolized by wolves, swan, lyre, palms.)  The V Macedonica attacked the middle of the town. (The legion's symbol was a bull or an eagle). The filling in of the trenches and the ravines was undertaken by the X Fretensis had the symbol of a ship.

The items from the excavations conducted by Gutman from 1976 to 1989 for the Israeli Antiquities were divided into the pieces used by the Roman army and the ones used by the Jewish population of the city. The climatic condition had contributed to preserve part of the army equipment. Over 14 seasons of survey, 1600 iron and bronze Roman arrowheads have been excavated. 1500 pieces of Roman artillery in basalt.  600 pieces were found near the wall and 300 in the area of the synagogue. The study of the spacial distribution of the Roman items confirm the historical information and permit to identify the participating forces. (Gutman, 1994: 93) The analysis of the items prove that the army used very standardized artifacts despite the differing origins of the legions. The type of fibulae found during the excavations was not used by the Jewish population of Gamla. The scientific studies – such as Wilconox Mann and Whitney tests - of the alloy components indicate that the concentrations of zinc, tin and lead are identicaly to part of the Roman militari materials from Gamla and from Masada excavated by Yigael Yardin in 1963-1965(Ponting, 2002).[24] These items have been attributed to the X and XV legions involved in both sieges. (Ponting, 2002) Some pieces found in locations distanded from the main group present a different composition to the geochemical analysis. These artifacts had been allotted to the Legion V Macedonia which was not fighting in Masada. According to Ponting, these alloys had been imported from the river of Meuse. Before the campaign, the legion V was based in this area where manufactures were conducted by Rome. The analysis of the Roman items founded during the excavations in Gamla indicate a complete separation between the Modus Operandi of the Roman army, its organization, and the local population.(Ponting, 2002)The archaeological evidence of the Roman impact on the besieged town confirms the destructive influence of the policy of Romanization on Jewish settlements during the Herodian dynasty.

CONCLUSION

The historical process of romanization in the Golan and its consequences has been a source of discussion amongst the scholars. Beginning with the establishement of a Roman administrative system, contributating to the exportation of the engineering, it turned the local elite into allies in order to minimize rebellions and to structure the collection of the taxes. Data concerning elements assembled during the different survey and founded in the settlements crossed by the Roman roads confirm the Roman impact in the Golan during this period. The creation of a local money under the authority of the Herodian dynasty, the building of public works such as aqueducts and roads consolidated the stability of the local administration and facilitated the economic exchanges and the marches of the troops crossing the region from the Mediterranean coast to Damascus. Archaeological traces of the Roman roads leading to the main towns have been preserved in short stretches with stone paving.  They have been identified on the basis of the techniques of multi-layered architectural achievement. They have been constructed to resist and not need frequent repair. The Banias road of Esh-Sharah runs from Wady el Adjam and leads to Damascus. A second road running from Damascus crosses Kuneitrah, leading to Baniyas through the ancient settlements of Al Mansourah, Bab-el Wha, Zaora, Ain Fit. A third road which runs to El-Kuneitrah turns south west in a straight direction to Akka. This was an important commercial highway known in antiquity as the Via Maris connecting Damascus with the sea. (Urman, 1985)

The settlements located near these roads confirm that non-Semitic alphabets were in use during the Roman period. The use of Greek better than a Semitic language could indicate a process of assimilation to the Hellenistic-Roman culture rather than to a Jewish one in an area ruled by the Herodian dynasty. The Roman local architecture did not provide any fundamental innovation. But it combined the traditional Roman solutions to the acquired local conventions. The excavations in Gamla confirmed the ruthless Roman military organization, as key of romanization which was based on a compulsory peace with Rome, or complete

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[1] G. Schumacher Der Scholan Zeitschrift des Deutschen Palastina Vereins 1886 translated in 1888 The Jaulan

[2] L. Oliphant The Land of Gilead 1879. Notes on the Jaulan, Quaterly Statement, Palestine Exploration Fund, 1884. Exploration in Jaulan, Quarterly Statement Palestine Exploration Fund 1885

[3] See  Vilnay Zeev  Golan and Hermon  Jerusalem Otzah Ahiouver 1970

[4] Urman Dan The Golan A profile of a region during the Roman and Byzantine Periods  BAR International Series 269, Oxford 1985. Urman Dan and Paul V.M. Flesher Ancient Synagogues Historical Analysis and archaeological discovery BRILL 1998 pp. 373-607

[5] R. Arav Bethsaida  1989 Israel Exploration Journal 41, 1991

[6] Abraham Negev, Shimon Gibson Archaeological Encyclopedia of the Holy Land N.Y. Continuum Publishing Group 2001

[7] Yoram Tsafrir Tabula Imperii Romani, Iudaea Palaestina Eretz Israel in the Hellenistic, Roman and Byzantine Periods, 1998

[8] Ma'oz Zvi Uri, En Nashut The Art and Architecture of a synagogue in the Golan Archaeostyle Scientific Research Series 9, Qazrin 2010

Ma'oz Zvi Uri Khirbet Dikke and the Synagogues in and around Beith Saida Valley  Scientific Research Series 7 Qazrin 2009

Ma'oz Zvi Uri Baniyas in the Greco-Roman Period a History based on the Excavations Scientific Research Series 3 2007

[9] Shmarya Gutman, David Edlin, Shmuel Bar, Dani Shion, David Goren  Gamla a City in Rebellion 1994 Israeli Department of Antiquities (1978-2000) Ministry of Defence Israel.

[10] Tzaferis Vassilios and Peleg  Banias Excavation Project Excavations and Survey in Israel 1988

[11] Hingley, Richard Globalizing Roman Culture, Unity, Diversity and Empire Ed. Routledge 2005 p.10

[12] Dar Shimon The Nabateans in the Hauran Bar Ilan University, 2009

[13] Szkolut Pavel The Eagle as the Symbol of the Divine Presence and Protection in Ancient Jewish Art Studia Judaica 5, 2002 nr 1 (9) pp. 1 -11

[14] Bandinelli Ranuccio Bianchi Rome le Centre du Pouvoir  Paris, Univers des Formes 1969 pp.145-176

[15] Morel Jean Paul L'Art Romain Histoire de l'Art de la préhistoire à l'Art Romain, Paris, Larousse 1988 pp.228-260

[16] Meshel Zeev, The Water Supply System of Susita, Institut Archaeology University T.A. 1996

[17] Segal Arthur Hippos Susita  Seasons of Excavations  Zinman Institut of Aracheology July 2002-2010

[18] See Meshel Z. Tsuk T. Fahlbush H. Peleg Y. The Water Supply of Susita  Tel Aviv 1998

[19] Meshorer Y. Ancient Jewish Coinage Vol.II, Jerusalem 1982

[20] See Lonnqvist  A Re Attribution of King Herod Agrippa I, Year 6 Issue LA 47 1997 p.429

[21] Lonnqvist k. A Re-Attribution of King  Herod Agrippa I  Year 6 Issue LA 47 1997, pp. 429-440

[22] Wilson John Francis Caesarea Philippi Banias,  The Lost City of Pan N.Y Tauris 2004  pp. 18-55

[23] Flavius Josephus La Guerre des Juifs contre les Romains,  traduction Arnauld d'Andilly, Lidis 1968

[24] Ponting M.J. Roman Military Copper-Alloy Artefacts from Israel: Question of Organization and  Ethnicity Archaeometry 44, 4 Great Britain, 2002 p. 555-571